Spyware Maker NSO Group Is Paving a Path Back Into Trump’s America
Credit to Author: Vas Panagiotopoulos| Date: Wed, 09 Apr 2025 18:19:55 +0000
Shortly after Donald Trump declared victory in November, NSO Group cofounder and majority owner Omri Lavie rushed to X to congratulate him, speaking of a “new chapter where the world goes back to common sense,” while accusing the outgoing Biden administration of being “weak.” In another tweet, he gushed in Hebrew that Republicans “won in every category: the presidency, Congress, Senate, and the popular vote.”
Lavie’s enthusiasm is understandable. His company—frequently associated with alleged human rights abuses, most recently in February when journalists in Serbia were targeted with its Pegasus spyware—had a significant stake in a Trump victory, with the hopes of regaining the ability to freely do business with US entities. In a comment to Amnesty International, NSO stated, in part, that its “commitment to maintain the highest standard of ethical conduct as well as confidentiality towards our customers is paramount and is consistent with industry norms and our legal obligations.”
The Israeli spyware vendor has been on the US Commerce Department’s “blacklist” for more than three years, meaning it cannot do business with US companies without specific government approval. NSO Group poured at least $1.8 million into an aggressive pre-election lobbying effort, focusing primarily on Republican senators and representatives, with some meetings occurring as often as eight times. Yet the company remains on the Entity List.
Now, with a new occupant in the White House, NSO Group appears to be shifting its political strategy.
The company seems to have either terminated or altered its engagement with several of its previous lobbying consultancies in Washington—some of which were closely aligned with the Democrats—and has started working with a key new lobbying partner: the Vogel Group.
Founded by Alex Vogel, who served as chief counsel to former Senate majority leader Bill Frist, the Vogel Group is providing NSO Group with “strategic advisory on cybersecurity policy matters,” according to lobbying disclosure documents filed on March 10.
The Vogel Group’s connection to the Trump administration includes areas of key interest to NSO Group. One of the Israeli spyware vendor’s new lobbyists, Jonathan Fahey, joined Vogel’s Washington, DC, office as a principal on January 29 and served in various roles during Trump's first term, including acting director and acting principal legal adviser at Immigration and Customs Enforcement, deputy assistant secretary at the Department of Homeland Security, and general counsel to the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy—all three relevant departments for a company selling surveillance technology.
Another Vogel Group staffer, Hayden Jewett, is listed in disclosure records as assigned to lobby on behalf of NSO group. Jewett served as a congressional staff liaison to President Trump’s 2016 inauguration, facilitating coordination between congressional offices and the inaugural committee.
Law firm Holtzman Vogel—of which Alex Vogel is a partner—was founded by his wife, Jill Holtzman Vogel, a former Virginia state senator, a former chief counsel of the Republican National Committee (RNC), and a current principal at the Vogel Group. The firm has reportedly worked for the National Republican Senatorial Committee and the National Republican Congressional Committee and received in 2024 over $9.3 million in reported payments, with significant political funding from Republican organizations.
Holtzman Vogel also represented former Metropolitan Police Department lieutenant Andrew Zabavsky, who was pardoned by Trump in January 2025 for his conviction for obstruction of justice related to the investigation into the death of 20-year-old Karon Hylton-Brown, a case that sparked protests ahead of the 2020 US election.
Bill McGinley, a principal at the Vogel Group and former assistant to the president and cabinet secretary during Trump’s first term, left the lobbying firm after Trump appointed him to White House counsel on November 12. He was then reassigned as counsel to the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) on December 4, only to leave on January 23.
“Lobbyists and advisers who have passed through the revolving door, having worked in the previous Trump White House or for the campaign, as well as those who are big campaign donors have a unique ability to bend the ear of the new administration,” says Dan Auble, a senior researcher at the nonprofit OpenSecrets, which tracks US political spending. “That access is very valuable.”
NSO Group spokesperson Gil Lainer declined to comment on the scope of the contract with the Vogel Group when asked by WIRED. The Vogel Group did not respond to WIRED’s request for comment.
NSO Group’s recent lobbying efforts appear to have mainly focused on Republican lawmakers, more than executive branch power players, particularly as the Biden administration had been engaged in a crackdown on commercial spyware. The company previously worked with several lobbying contractors, with whom it appears to have either terminated or altered its registrations.
These include its registrations under Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) with Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman LLP and Chartwell Strategy Group, as well as registrations under the Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) with law firms Paul Hastings LLP and Steptoe LLP. Pillsbury previously engaged Chartwell Strategy Group to provide NSO Group with “strategic communications counsel.” Chartwell Strategy Group has now, for the first time, registered under the LDA as a lobbyist for NSO Group, while the only current active registration of NSO Group under FARA is with Paul Hastings LLP.
Lobbyists representing foreign commercial interests—if their work is not intended to benefit a foreign government or political party—can be exempt from FARA and instead register under the LDA, which has no requirement to report specific meetings and is, overall, far less transparent than FARA.
Much of the public knowledge about NSO Group’s lobbying efforts came from FARA filings. Since both the Vogel Group and Chartwell Strategy Group are now registered under the LDA, it will now be more difficult to monitor their lobbying efforts.
Examining NSO Group's past and present consultants reveals numerous individuals who, one way or another, have been associated with the Trump administration. These people are not all lobbyists, but they do have direct connections to Trump world. They include David Tamasi, managing director at Chartwell Strategy and DC chairman of Trump’s 2016 joint fundraising committee, who bundled more than $500,000 for Trump’s campaign and the RNC in 2020, and at least $15,000 in 2024. His firm, a key player in NSO Group’s lobbying, had been actively preparing clients for Trump’s return.
Other NSO-connected figures also have close Trump ties: Bryan Lanza, a partner at Mercury Public Affairs, which consulted for the company from 2020 to 2021, is a veteran Trump ally; Michael Flynn, Trump’s former national security adviser, was paid nearly $100,000 by NSO Group’s parent firms, according to the The Washington Post, and was recently appointed by Trump to a West Point advisory board; Jeff Miller, who raised millions for Trump, received $170,000 from an NSO-linked company and was spotted at Trump’s 2024 election night event at Mar-a-Lago; and Rod Rosenstein, Trump’s former deputy attorney general, represented NSO Group in a lawsuit and previously helped justify Trump’s firing of FBI director James Comey.
Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman LLP, Chartwell Strategy Group, Paul Hastings LLP, and Steptoe LLP did not reply to WIRED’s request for comment. Nor did Flynn, Miller, or Rosenstein. Tamasi did not respond in time for publication.
As of early March—before Vogel Group’s registration as a lobbyist for NSO Group—there had been no indication that the Trump administration intended to remove the company from the Entity List, according to a source familiar with the administration’s moves regarding spyware, who asked not to be named in order to discuss confidential matters. However, recent comments by NSO Group’s Lavie soft-peddled the impact of the Entity List on the company’s ability to operate in the US.
“[The Americans], when they say ‘blacklist,’ it sounds much more dramatic to me than it actually is,” Lavie claimed during an interview in Hebrew on an Israeli podcast following Trump’s election. He added: “You can still do business in the United States; it is definitely not a barrier for us to sell in the US.”
“In practice, we are on the list of Commerce, and what this does for us from a regulatory perspective, it simply forces American companies—if we want to buy technology from them—to ask for permission to sell us the technology. That's all,” Lavie said.
Lobbying efforts can target different parts of the US government. By lobbying the executive branch (the president and agencies), lobbyists can influence how laws are enforced rather than what the laws say. In contrast, when lobbying Congress, the focus is on passing, blocking, or amending laws by influencing legislators.
For example, for a company to be removed from the Entity List, it must go through a lengthy administrative process that includes a review by an interagency committee composed of representatives from the departments of Commerce, State, and Defense, among others. Although Congress could theoretically influence this process, it is not directly involved.
During the presidential transition period, NSO Group mainly focused on Congress and reached out to at least 10 Republican senators, representatives, and their staff, before beginning its outreach with the incoming administration. On February 2, the company shared its annual transparency report with Trump’s new deputy national security adviser, Alex Wong.
The Vogel Group could play a key role in supporting NSO Group if it attempts to engage with the new executive branch, including the president’s executive office, the National Security Council, and the State, Justice, and Commerce Departments, among other relevant agencies. Such engagement might aim not only at addressing NSO Group’s placement on the Entity List, but also at challenging the spyware-related visa restrictions imposed by the previous administration. In addition, the firm could potentially assist in efforts to roll back Executive Order 14093, signed by President Joe Biden, which continues to restrict the US government’s use of commercial spyware.
Asked whether the Trump administration intends to uphold the EO, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt declined to comment.
“Much is at stake if the US revokes Executive Order 14093, an order that sets standards on US acquisition of spyware, as access to the US market, and US purchasing power, are great tools in shaping the global scope and scale of the market for spyware,” says Jen Roberts, the Atlantic Council’s associate director of the Cyber Statecraft Initiative and coauthor of a recent major report on the commercial spyware industry. Roberts also highlighted the need to better regulate US outbound investment into such technologies.
During Trump's first term, the FBI secretly acquired the Pegasus spyware for limited testing in 2019 and seriously contemplated its operational deployment; while during the final months of the administration in 2020, the US initiated a deal that financed the purchase of the Israeli spyware for Colombian security forces, according to the Colombian ambassador to the US and reported by Drop Site News. (The deal was finalized in 2021, after Trump left office.) In an official statement, NSO Group confirmed its dealings with Colombia but denied claims that the software was purchased irregularly. The New York Times also reported that in 2018 the CIA had purchased Pegasus for the government of Djibouti to conduct counterterrorism operations, while the Secret Service held discussions with NSO Group the same year.
The access and influence NSO Group could attain through lobbying efforts by companies like the Vogel Group and Chartwell Strategy Group could lead to a more favorable political environment and, in turn, potentially increase business opportunities under a second Trump administration—something very hard for outsiders to measure, given the opaque nature of government procurement of surveillance technologies.
In the coming weeks and months, NSO Group’s interactions with US government officials, facilitated by its lobbying, will be critical in achieving such a favorable political environment. Caroline Glick, an adviser to Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has also been recently lobbying the Trump White House—among others—on the matter of “request[ing] to check for options for lifting sanctions on Israeli technology companies,” according to reports in the Israeli media.
Experts closely monitoring the commercial spyware industry are raising the alarm about the prospect of NSO Group regaining business under Trump—further exacerbated by new reports that the company has been simultaneously pushing its interests on the international stage through the so-called Pall Mall Process, a UK- and France-led initiative to regulate such technologies.
“NSO has become a toxic brand that is widely associated not just with human rights abuses but also with national security threats to US, UK, France, and other countries,” says Natalia Krapiva, senior tech-legal counsel at civil-liberties-focused nonprofit Access Now.
Lainer, the NSO Group spokesperson, tells WIRED that the company “complies with all laws and regulations and sells only to vetted intelligence and law enforcement agencies, which use these technologies daily to prevent crime and terror attacks.” Lainer adds that NSO “has initiated and implemented the industry’s leading compliance and human rights program, which protects against misuse by government entities and investigates all credible claims of misuse”
Ultimately, the current administration will have the final say on how the US regulates NSO Group.
Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon, who has actively worked to address concerns related to surveillance and spyware, tells WIRED that “the Biden Administration blacklisted NSO” because its tool was used to “maliciously targeting journalists, human rights workers, and even US government officials around the world on behalf of foreign dictators and making all Americans less safe.”
“If Donald Trump puts the NSO Group back in business,” Wyden adds, “he'll be directly responsible for opening up new threats to our national security and enabling atrocities by foreign dictators.”